Immediately after Biden was ousted (quitting the race via PDF on X is not the action of a free man), we were told that Nancy Pelosi had given his crew an ultimatum. ‘We do this the hard way or the easy way.’
In other words, jump now, or get your money cut off and face institutional abandonment, and then have to jump anyway.
Pelosi, the former Speaker of the House, is an 84-year-old woman, pulling the strings of an 81-year-old president.
And this advice consisted of: get out of the way for the sake of a deeply unpopular, highly compromised, cackling woman called Kamala Harris, who is somehow both the first black and Asian presidential nominee.
Pelosi is the daughter of a former congressman and Mayor of Baltimore. She herself is part of the San Francisco political machine. What do Baltimore and San Francisco have in common? They are both major, historic cities now lying in drug-addled, crime-ridden ruin thanks to criminally inept governance.
Where is Kamala from? San Francisco.
Daughter of an avowed Marxist economics professor, she got her political break by sleeping with corrupt mayor and state congressman, Willie Brown, 30 years her senior. (She was 30; he was 61.) Brown would appoint her to patronage positions at two state commissions in California.
Is there a better metaphor for modern democracy than this?
She later also dated talk-show host Montel Williams. Apparently that is his daughter on the left, not his side-piece:
She then rose up via legal office, becoming a district attorney, then an attorney general in California, before becoming a senator.
Notoriously, as attorney general she launched criminal investigations against two journalists who had secretly filmed abortionists from Planned Parenthood discussing their sale of ‘fetal tissue’ to cover their operational costs.
She ran for president in 2020 but dropped out before a single vote had been cast because she was polling so badly against the likes of Biden, Pete Buttigieg, and Bernie Sanders.
After Biden had committed to choosing a female running mate, and after the Summer of Floyd meant such a woman should also be ‘black’, the vice-presidency would fall into her lap when Biden turned out be the greatest electoral candidate of all time and won over 80 million votes despite not leaving his basement.
Since becoming vice-president, 92% of her staff have resigned from her employ. She is a notoriously toxic woman.
Why do I share all this banal horror, concerning the crazy people who run the world’s superpower?
Because the nightmarish scenario of Kamala Harris becoming commander-in-chief over a fleet of nuclear warheads is poignantly indicative of the madness of the American regime, a madness exacerbated by the bizarre and irrational response to the rise of Trump.
It has been obvious from the start that Trump is no great dissident, no revolutionary. He has opposed many of America’s foreign adventures (which aligns him with the ‘resistance’ to that other ‘Nazi’ figure, Bush Jr); like Obama and Bill Clinton were, he is against illegal immigration (the so-called ‘cages’ at the border were built during the Obama administration); and he is sceptical of free trade agreements.
Yet somehow he has become some kind of ‘far right’ monster.
Why is that?
I can think of a few reasons, which are all interesting insofar as they illuminate the true nature of the regime.
First of all, Trump does not speak according to script. When every other international politician speaks, you know what they are going to say. Basically nothing, wrapped up in banal and hollow rhetoric about civil rights, freedom, democracy, etc. etc.
Trump doesn’t do that. He tweets. He jokes. He mocks. He impersonates. He tells his supporters to fight on, moments after a bullet grazes his head. This is not good for the media complex. It shows the emptiness of their own suits. His use of humour energizes the wrong people, the everyday citizens who previously did not pay much attention to politics.
Second of all, Trump portrays a hint, just a hint, of some kind of nationalism, some kind of loyalty to America as an historic people, as opposed to America as an ‘idea’.
His immigration policies and rhetoric are not quite the same as Clinton’s and Obama’s, who sometimes spoke tough on illegal crossings as a matter of bureaucratic mismanagement and disorderliness. Rather, he speaks of the influx of illegals as a threat to his own people.
This is not kosher in the post-Nuremberg regime, where anything that is vaguely similar to the politics of blood and soil, that is, all politics prior to World War II, must be condemned as fascist, that is, as satanic.
Thirdly, Trump portrays a hint, just a hint, of the notion of ‘personal rule’, of a ‘man on horseback’, ready to go to war against the bureaucracy or ‘deep state’, a man who might be critical, even if to little avail, of the likes of Fauci or the Director of the FBI.
The last man to do something similar, in his appeal to ‘the silent majority’, to an America at odds with the media, academia, and the civil service, was Richard Nixon.
It is often forgotten that Nixon was deposed by an intelligence-connected section of the media, after he had won the most decisive American election victory in modern history:
And what was he deposed for? You may recall ‘Watergate’ as being the mother of all political scandals, but what was it, really? Surely one should know why such a popular president was forced to resign, months after he was given such a sweeping mandate?
This was what Nixon later said about the motive behind the Watergate campaign:
Trump hearkens back to something like this, even if only in rhetoric rather than action. (For now.)
But the screeching opposition he receives, the Russian confabulations, the covid mania, is something new, something similar to the bizarre panic about normal climate fluctuations.
This gynocratic and gerontocratic hysteria is how you get to a corrupt, used-car-salesman-type like Biden winning 80 million votes; this is how we get to a palace coup via Twitter… in favour of a clownishly sinister woman like Kamala.
Trump is ultimately less important as a man than the auto-immune response he induces, against a body politic already sick. This may turn out to be an act of great service, a great acceleration toward something new.
But the sickness means danger, to the US, the world, and as made evident by his legal persecution and attempted assassination, to Trump himself.
For Trump, and the US, the only way out is through.
I don’t foresee a path to victory for Kamala. The woman is incredibly unlikeable. The base case is still a Trump victory, a subsequent de-escalation of the Ukraine conflict, and some reduction in migrant rates (in both the US and Europe). And who knows what else as everything re-escalates in global politics.
But watch for what I have pointed out before: a media narrative of Trump fading, of Kamala raking in cash and suddenly, mysteriously, growing in popularity.
And then all bets are off.
There is a politically incorrect truth about Trump which is often overlooked: he is a billionaire white man with a beautiful wife.
This makes the childless cat ladies who destroyed their own lives with feminism enraged far beyond sanity, because it is what they can never have or be. What they really hate is their own poor choices, but it is too late for them and they know it.
That's a good point concerning immigration. He does slightly sound heritage oriented.
Trump is certainly enigmatic and it bothers the expert class but to my mind his greatest sin is that he does not play the game. When asked by the feminist moderator in the first televised debate in 2015 about something he said that was framed as sexist he ignored the question and said theire's too much political correctness. He didn't back-foot himself by groveling and allow himself to be put in the anti-white male frame. He didn't deny being sexist whatever that means. He just didn't play by the rules right from the starting gate. This was sacrilegious heresy towards modern liberal culture – the sacred-victim-entitled-to-special-treatment parasite system.
In this regard I think he's different from anyone else in American politics, including I'm not a crook Nixon.